(MENAFN- Jordan Times) Qatar may be losing one of its regional assets and a major component in its divisive interventionist network in the wake of its recent diplomatic spat with Saudi Arabia, UAE, Bahrain and Egypt.
Hamas, the Islamist resistance movement that took hold of Gaza Strip 10 years ago, is distancing itself from its traditional Qatari benefactor while actively exploring ways to mend fences with Cairo and possibly strike an alliance with long-time foe and former Fateh leader in Gaza Mohammad Dahlan.
The parting of ways may have been mutually agreed between Gaza and Doha.
Qatar is trying desperately to end its Gulf isolation and may have decided that its pro-Hamas positions have become an unnecessary liability.
Recent reports said that key Hamas figures living in Qatar have left their Doha refuge 'voluntarily'.
Hamas saw a change in its top leadership recently, when Khaled Mishaal, head of its political bureau who was living in Qatar, was replaced by Gaza-based Ismail Haniyeh.
And since the overthrow of Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi in 2013, relations between Cairo and Gaza have dipped, with the former accusing Hamas of carrying out terrorist activities in Egypt.
An economic blockade imposed by Israel since the 2014 war on the strip, has made the lives of over 2 million Gaza residents unbearable.
Repeated attempts to end the rift between Hamas and the Palestinian Authority were met with failure.
Qatar, which has been involved in mediation efforts between the PA and Hamas, had clearly taken sides, undermining PA President Mahmoud Abbas' authority and pushing Hamas to walk back on agreements.
Abbas' leadership of Fateh continues to be challenged by Dahlan, who is backed by the UAE and Egypt.
It is no surprise that news of meetings between Dahlan and top Hamas leaders in Cairo in the past week were made public.
There is pressure on Hamas to end its ties with Qatar and modify its political platform.
Last month, Hamas announced that it will accept a Palestinian state on the June 4, 1967, borders without recognising Israel and
severed ties with the Muslim Brotherhood.
It is also important to note that Hamas was not included in the list of terrorist organisations, released by Saudi Arabia and its Gulf allies, as well as Egypt, in spite of US President Donald Trump's description of Hamas as a terrorist group last month.
On the opposite side, Abbas, fearing that Hamas may get a reprieve from Egypt and strike a deal with Dahlan, has applied pressure on the beleaguered Gaza Strip.
Last April, he took the contentious move of slashing the salaries of thousands of PA civil and military employees in Gaza.
The pay cut, which triggered mass protests and denunciations across the strip, was meant to tighten the noose around Hamas' neck, but it also hurt Abbas who was unrelenting.
Last week, it was reported that he had asked Israel to reduce daily electricity supply to Gaza by one third, from four to three hours.
Israel complied.
Abbas' gambit appears to have backfired. Hamas' strategic relationship with Cairo, and by extension the Gulf, was strengthened and the crisis with Qatar may have given it a much-needed lifeline.
An agreement with Dahlan will result in the opening of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt and a quick easing of the humanitarian situation there.
In return, Dahlan will re-establish a presence in the strip and create, with Hamas, a national salvation front to challenge the dysfunctional PLO and the besieged PA.
In addition, Hamas will gradually distance itself from Iran, thus improving its stance with the US and, more importantly, with the new anti-Iran Arab-Muslim coalition.
Meanwhile, Israel has sent messages that the likelihood of a new confrontation with Hamas is minimal.
Israel has a lot to gain from recent developments.
The Dahlan factor will rein in the Islamist movements' military arm and will establish a more formal channel of communication between the strip and Israel.
It will also weaken Abbas politically and formalise the separation between the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
Israeli hardliners believe the future Palestinian state will be established in Gaza, leaving the fate of the West Bank to be negotiated on the basis of self-governing cantons enjoying what has been described as economic peace.
But it is still doubtful that the Hamas-Dahlan rapprochement can be tenable in the long run, especially that the movement's pro-Iran hawks remain in charge.
What is clear is that Hamas is facing existential threats and rising disgruntlement among the people of the strip. It has few choices: either cave in to Abbas and hand over power to the PA or join hands with his archrival and reap the rewards of an open border with Egypt.
Abbas is reportedly mulling the idea of delegitimising Hamas and declaring the strip a rogue district.
The latest developments involving Hamas could very well be part of a much larger realignment that aims at rearranging the priorities of regional players.
The formula being suggested is risky and indicates growing discontent with Abbas by some Arab states.
In the short run, Hamas will benefit from the easing of the economic blockade and from normalising relations with Egypt and key Gulf states, but by burning its bridges with Abbas — one can argue that he accelerated such a move — it may also be fulfilling a major Israeli objective.
The writer is a journalist and political commentator based in Amman.
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